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( Simone Swan. traducción del
Inglés por Miquel Ramis)
http://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/199904/elegant.solutions.htm
Elegant Solutions
"Architecture emerges from the dream and this
is why, in villages built by their inhabitants, no two
houses are alike.... It is the architect's job to make
his village as charming as possible."
—Hassan Fathy
It was during a dinner party in 1972 that I heard my
host announce the completion of a film on "the
greatest architect of the century, Hassan Fathy."
All I could think was, "Hassan who?" Yet
I was then director of the philanthropic Menil Foundation
in Houston, which was active in art and architecture,
and I considered myself well-acquainted with the leaders
of contemporary architecture.
"Hassan F-a-t-h-y," he spelled out, "from
Cairo. He's designed and built superb villas of adobe
and stone, but mainly he's grappled head-on with housing
the poor. And he has proposed elegant solutions! His
central concern is rural low-cost housing; he organizes
residents to build cooperatively."
Inspired and curious, the next day I read Fathy's seminal
book, Construire avec le peuple (Building With the People).
The book is Fathy's detailed account of his experience
in planning and building, with its 7000 residents, the
village of New Gourna on the west bank of the Nile,
opposite Luxor, in the late 1940's, under the auspices
of the Egyptian government.
This reading changed my life. My experience with architects
had been substantial, including work on commissions
with Charles Moore and Louis I. Kahn. Yet in reading
Fathy, I realized that I had never before encountered
an architect who not only designed superb spaces, but
who was also committed to the "800 million peasants—one-third
of the population of the earth—now doomed to premature
death because of their inadequate housing."
I learned that when Fathy organized the construction
of New Gourna in 1947, government-financed low-income
housing in Egypt had almost always cost at least $1200
a unit, and nobody seemed to have given a thought to
the high cost of skilled labor that made up so much
of this amount. Even today, $1200 a unit is more than
most nations are willing or able to pay for such housing.
As Fathy proved for New Gourna —and as he also
demonstrated in 1967 at Bariz, in Egypt's Western Desert—he
could keep the cost down to $500 a unit, including kitchens
and latrines, by building cooperatively with the owners.
Fathy's accounts for such housing are exhaustively documented,
down to the price of straw per mud-brick dome—exactly
nine cents.
When Architecture for the Poor came out in English—the
revised title was not Fathy's choice, but that of the
publisher, the University of Chicago Press—it
was soon thereafter translated into Spanish, Portuguese
and Japanese. Since then, visionary developers throughout
the arid regions of the less-industrialized world have
looked to Fathy's ideas and example. Fathy presaged
much of the "appropriate technology" movement
that now is a standard element of grassroots development
philosophy around the world.
Three years passed before I was to meet Fathy. In the
meantime, several Middle Eastern scholars encouraged
me to help disseminate his work and philosophy in the
United States. In particular, Yusuf Ibish, then professor
of Islamic civilization at the American University in
Beirut, hoped that more of Fathy's writings might be
published; Father Youakim Moubarac of Louvain and Paris
urged me to make this inspiring Muslim better known
through the ecumenical programs of the Rothko Chapel
in Houston.
In late 1975, I wrote to Hassan Fathy in Cairo requesting
permission to document his work. His reply, addressed
to "Ms. Swan," came more promptly than I expected,
and his use of that title, then new, cued me to his
contemporary awareness. In his letter, he warmly offered
to show me his work and country.
He met me at the airport. He was 76 then, dapper and
compact. When my hat fell to the floor, he swooped it
up with an agility that amazed me. That made an impression.
In the car we immediately spoke of shared ideals, and
by the time we reached the city each of us knew where
the other stood, with mutual appreciation.
I set to work reading his voluminous papers, questioning
him and assisting in his work sessions with a younger
architect. They were designing a tourist complex in
Giza with hotels, restaurants, parks, craft markets,
gardens, a mosque and—at my suggestion—an
ecumenical chapel. I helped him with a translation of
his only play, Mushrabiya, from Arabic: He conveyed
the sense of the lines to me in English and French and
I helped him write what felt true.
There was never anything pompous about him. He had
the charm of a cultured, well-read gentleman, a polymath
who could always turn a thought with humor. He was intimidating
only when refusing to suffer flattering fools and the
venally ambitious. He loved the company of the young,
especially students and former students, with whom we
would dine on squab in the narrow market streets of
Old Cairo.
He was more formal when he received visitors at tea
time, which he did nearly every day—diplomats,
industrialists, scientists, historians, social workers,
theologians, artists, and of course architects and builders
from many countries. They usually came unannounced,
because of Cairo's lack of telephones at the time. They
would listen as this scholar, sage and raconteur held
forth on his visions of symbiosis between architecture
and climate, the theological principles embodied in
mosque design, and building with the poor. I marveled
at how his thinking complemented that of other visionaries
of these years: E. F. Schumacher (Small is Beautiful:
Economics as if People Mattered, 1973) and Paulo Freire
(Pedagogy of the Oppressed, 1974) come first to mind.
We explored his own house at Sidi Kreir, which he had
built in 1971 outside Alexandria on a lonely stretch
of beach. This was a palazzino, a playful gem of a mini-palace
set amid the low dunes. A diminutive front courtyard
led to a small, well-proportioned foyer and living room,
the latter flanked by iwans—recessed, curtained
alcoves used as sitting rooms by day and sleeping rooms
by night. Later he showed me New Gourna, which by then
was in a distressing state of disrepair, a casualty
of the government's faulty assumption that villagers
would be willing to change not only their location but
also their livelihoods. (See "Fame and Fiasco in
New Gourna," page 20.) Back in Cairo, we toured
the villas he had built of stone for several friends.
By this time in the mid-1970's, his peers in art, architecture
and scholarship usually paid him affectionate, often
devoted, homage, but government officials—the
ones who held the purse strings for public housing,
the field in which he longed to work far more than he
ever did—remained skeptical and even hostile.
Their behavior reinforced Fathy's hardest lesson: His
commitment to the poor made him an outsider in Egypt,
one who was regarded as a threat to vested interests
in industrial building materials, banking, real estate
and large-scale contracting. Except for commissions
from his friends and admirers of means, his career became
almost as notable for the obstacles he encountered as
it was for built work, perhaps to an extent unmatched
by any other architect of his stature.
To his friends and followers, Fathy was always known
as Hassan Bey, a name that used the Ottoman term of
rank with his given name to indicate respect and warmth
simultaneously. He was born in Alexandria in 1900 to
a family of artists and scientists, the son of a noted
jurist and a Circassian mother, whom he was fond of
quoting. He graduated with degrees in engineering and
architecture from the University of Cairo in 1926, and
he went on to teach there from 1930 to 1946.
With his degree fresh in hand, out on his first job,
he had a life-changing experience. He was assigned to
build a school in a remote farming area of the Delta.
On reaching the village, he was revolted by its ugliness,
by the poverty of its residents, and by "the hopeless
resignation of these peasants to their condition."
Fathy was overwhelmed by how unnecessary their misery
appeared to be, and then shaken more deeply still to
realize that the land on which they were living belonged
to his father. (As a boy, his family had never taken
him to the country, preferring instead to acquaint him
with Europe.)
In Architecture for the Poor, Fathy wrote, "I
suddenly felt terribly responsible. Nothing had been
done out of consideration for the human beings who spent
their lives there; we had been content to live in ignorance
of the peasant's sickening misery. I decided I must
do something." Thus began his quest for a means
of rebuilding communities that would allow people to
live with self-respect despite their exclusion from
the consumer economy. He never turned away from this
goal, and the economically dispossessed were to be Fathy's
constant preoccupation.
As Fathy realized that people who possess no cash can
hardly become an architect's clients in the usual sense,
and that they cannot be simply integrated on command
into a cash economy, he set to work devising techniques
of producing low-cost, energy-efficient houses. Using
concrete, so much in vogue in Egypt at that time, was
out of the question: It required skilled labor, expensive
equipment, and industrial materials produced abroad,
all of which put it well out of reach of the budget
of the Egyptian peasant (fellah). Worse, in hot climates
concrete traps and holds high temperatures unbearably,
exactly the opposite of traditional earthen interiors,
which remain cool during the day and release warmth
at night. (See Aramco World, May/June 1995.)
Fathy's solution was to turn to sun-dried bricks made
of mud and reinforced with straw: adobe. He engaged
the advice of structural engineers and soil-mechanics
specialists to ascertain the maximum strength and durability
of adobe under different conditions. After this research,
in the early 1940's, he began to design dwellings that
demonstrated an unprecedented degree of harmony with
the natural environment, climate and local culture,
and the spiritual tradition of Islam. With inspiration
from the very soil of Egypt, he aimed to help the poor
build for themselves.
Yet roofing remained a problem. In rural Egypt, the
fellahin could afford neither wood nor corrugated galvanized
metal for roofs, nor could they even buy the wood needed
to make forms to shape vaulted adobe roofs. Fathy's
early attempts at building adobe vaulting without wooden
forms—the only economically sensible solution—resulted
in a series of discouraging collapses. This was particularly
maddening because it was clear from his visits to Upper
Egypt that just such form-less vaulting had been used
for millennia to build ordinary houses, tombs and even
royal buildings, such as the granaries of the first-century-BC
Ramesseum, one of the great monuments of Thebes.
Fathy feared that the secret had been lost, but in
1941, in the Nubian village of Abu al-Riche, he found
village masons building catenary vaults of mud brick
that could measure two stories high, up to three meters
(10 ½') wide and of any desired length, without
forms. (See "How to Build A Nubian Vault,"
page 24.) The technique, he was exhilarated to learn,
was simple enough to teach to any willing person.
Henceforth, adobe became Fathy's technological passion,
and he remained loyal to it not only because of its
durability over millennia—some adobe structures
in Egypt are more than 3000 years old—but also
because of its thermal properties: In many desert climates
it maintains comfortable temperatures within a range
of three to four degrees centigrade (5-7°F) over
a 24-hour cycle. Furthermore, it is plentiful: Approximately
one-third of the world's people already live in houses
made of earth. Finally, the flexibility of a material
for which right angles and straight lines are not always
essential nourishes architectural creativity. Under
Fathy's control, adobe led to simple, captivating beauty.
Yet it was to take Fathy nearly a decade to land his
first housing commission for the disenfranchised. Over
that time several proposals met with scant interest
at the ministries of housing and health in Cairo, which
appeared to be more interested in the "modern"
connotations of multistory concrete apartment blocks
than in the traditionalism Fathy offered. Finally, in
1946, came the New Gourna commission.
The first thing Fathy did away with was the contractor.
Then, a social worker joined him in interviewing each
family about its aspirations and its needs in house
design. "No two persons are alike," he wrote,
"not even identical twins, because they will differ
in their dreams. Architecture emerges from the dream
and this is why, in villages built by their inhabitants,
no two houses are alike.... It is the architect's job
to make his village as charming as possible. If the
architect is to offer any excuse for his arrogance in
dictating what his fellow men shall live in, that excuse
must be that he can surround them with beauty. It would
be grossly discourteous of an architect whose imagination
has been enriched amid the loveliness of Siena or Verona,
or the cathedral close of Wells, to scamp his work and
fob his clients off with something less than the most
beautiful architecture he can create."
And so it was that participatory planning, mixed with
the need for public service structures, determined the
plan of the village of New Gourna and the design of
each house. "My irregular plan made for variety
in design, constant visual interest and precluded the
building of those boring ranks of identical dwellings
that are often considered all that the poor deserve."
Besides using adobe to enhance thermal comfort, Fathy
also experimented in New Gourna with the revival and
modern adaptation of three time-tested vernacular architectural
elements that also affect perceived temperature—the
courtyard and its breezy claustra, or pierced wall;
the mashrabiyyah, a carved wooden window screen; and
the malqaf, or windcatch. These architectural gestures
showed his respect for the culture he shared with the
fellahin, but they were also "appropriate technologies"
that had disappeared from fashion in Egypt because,
despite the nationalism of the era, the country had
kept its technological gaze fixed firmly on the industrialized
West. These architectural elements bestow uniquely Egyptian
and Arab qualities where they are used, although they
were (and often still are) considered by many to be
pejoratively indigenous and "backward," a
sign of poverty or of an irrevocably bygone era.
In traditional desert architecture from the Maghrib
to Central Asia, the most efficient air conditioner
available is the inner courtyard. It traps cool night
air and releases it gradually during the day to adjoining
rooms through built-in claustra, an effect that complements
the thermal properties of mud brick. Trees, shrubs and
other plantings, both in the courtyard and, to the extent
possible, immediately outside the house, help clean
the air and afford a measure of protection from the
dust-laden desert winds—or the fumes of trafficked
streets. In almost all of Fathy's designs, the courtyard
was literally a central feature. He experimented almost
endlessly with its variations, yet he never lost sight
of its thermal as well as its social and esthetic functions.
To Fathy, the development of the courtyard house was
even a metaphysical response by desert-dwellers to their
surroundings:
"The desert has formed the Arabs' habits and outlook,
it has shaped their culture," he wrote. "To
the desert they owe their simplicity, their hospitality
and their bent for mathematics and astronomy. Because
the experience of the desert can be so bitter, because
the surface of the earth and the landscape are for the
Arabs a cruel enemy, burning, glaring, and barren, they
find no comfort in opening the house to nature at ground
level. The kindly aspect of nature for the Arabs is
the sky, pure, clean, promising coolness and life-giving
water in its clouds. It is no wonder that for the desert-dweller
the sky becomes the home of God."
"With the adoption of a settled life, the Arabs
began to apply architectural metaphors in their cosmology,
so that the sky became a dome supported by four columns.
This notion gave a symbolic value to the house, considered
to be a microcosm of the universe, and the metaphor
was extended further to the eight sides of the octagon
that supports, on squinches, a dome symbolizing the
sky. These eight sides were held to represent the eight
archangels holding up the holy and the most soothing
face of nature. The Arabs naturally want to bring it
into their own dwelling. The means of doing this is
the courtyard. It becomes the owner's private piece
of the sky."
The mashrabiyyah is an artful lattice of lathe-turned
dowels that intersect at carved wooden spheres (or,
on occasion, other shapes). It is used as a window covering
from Morocco to Pakistan (see Aramco World, July/August
1974, July/August 1993). The mashrabiyyah allows air
to circulate through the house while maintaining privacy
for its occupants, and in regions of intense sunlight
it is the most effective of window shades because the
curved, often polished surfaces do not block light:
Rather, they diffuse it into the interior with the splendid
subtlety of radial reflection. Over the centuries, building
mashrabiyyah became a highly developed craft, as woodworkers
produced panels several meters high that nonetheless
seem as delicate as lace. Fathy followed the traditional
form of the mashrabiyyah, in which the apertures at
eye level are narrow, to reduce glare, and the ones
higher up, where sightlines do not compromise privacy,
are larger. In colonial times the mashrabiyyah lost
favor, but now—thanks in part to the efforts of
Fathy—it is enjoying a revival, and not only in
the Middle East. Antoine Predock, the New Mexico architect,
has adapted it into his work; in Paris, Jean Nouvel
transformed the idea of mashrabiyyah into steel for
the Institut du Monde Arabe's electrically operated
façade. (See Aramco World, January/February 1989.)
The malqaf, or windcatch, originally developed in Persia,
is another millennia-old popular cooling device that
fell into disuse in the Middle East when European housing
design gained popularity. Fathy's most famous use of
the malqaf was in Bariz, the second entire town he designed.
The malqaf is a shaft rising above a building, open
to face the prevailing wind. Functioning as the opposite
of a chimney, it catches and channels the wind down
into the cool, lower reaches of the interior, often
across a pool of water and occasionally also over wet
fabrics or screens, both of which further decrease the
air temperature by evaporation. When clients could afford
it, Fathy often made such water an esthetic element
by installing fountains centered in an octagonal configuration,
as in classical Arab houses, that often echoed the eight-sided
support of a dome overhead.
The English word adobe comes from the Spanish assimilation
of al-tub, Arabic for sun-dried bricks of mud. This
derives in turn from the ancient Egyptian word for mud.
The size of the mold used today in most parts of the
world to make adobe bricks dates to at least 1450 BC,
when the young pharaoh-architect Queen Hatshepsut was
depicted on frescoes molding with her own hands the
bricks for each corner of her funerary temple at Deir
el-Bahari, near old Gourna. The proportions used then
are so perfectly adapted to the function of the bricks
that they remain largely unchanged today in Egypt, the
Indus Valley, Pakistan and China, and from Sudan south
to Zimbabwe. In the eighth century, the adobe mold traveled
to Andalusia with the Arabs. From there, the Spanish
conquistadores carried it to Mexico, where the native
people of the deserts quickly adopted it.
In 1980, Fathy noted that in the pueblos of New Mexico,
bricks still measure 33 by 15 by 10 centimeters (13"x6"x4")—almost
exactly the proportions of the bricks at the Temple
of Hatshepsut. When he made this observation, Fathy
was engaged in his only North American commission, the
community of Dar al-Islam in the remote mountain site
of Abiquiu, New Mexico, where his clients were US-born
Muslims. (See Aramco World, May/June 1988.) The first
structure to rise was a mosque, constructed by the community
members themselves under the tutelage of Nubian master
masons Mohamed Abdul Jalil Moussa and the 85-year-old
Ala Eddin Mustafa, both of whom had worked on many of
Fathy's buildings. Though Fathy engaged himself in nearly
a dozen projects afterwards—mostly individual
houses and one hospital—Dar al-lslam was his last
village-sized commission. Although today it is the only
one that is even partly inhabited, the plans for individual
adobe homes had to be scuttled early on, for local building
codes had not been written with such construction techniques
in mind, and their advocates were unable to secure the
changes required.
In 1985 Fathy was awarded the first Chairman's Award
of the Aga Khan Award for Architecture. He was 85, and
it was only then that he began to receive the international
recognition, the speaking engagements, and the other
awards that his work and his principles had so long
deserved.
On November 30, 1989 Fathy died in Cairo, in the 17th-century
Mamluk house where he had lived for decades. It was
his refuge and inspiration to the end, standing in a
modest quarter at the foot of the eight-domed Ottoman
citadel and overlooking the massive splendor of the
Sultan Hassan Mosque, which Fathy regarded as the apotheosis
of Islamic design in Egypt. Yet the neighborhood was
(and is to this day) heavily populated by squatters,
and so, even across the street from his door, he found
daily reminders of the need for sensible, sensitive,
sustainable housing solutions.
Patronage for Fathy's architecture for the poor never
materialized to any significant degree, and his deepest
hopes went largely unfulfilled in what at first seems
to be a lifetime marked by setbacks. Yet Fathy remained
ever an optimist, an idealist and a fervent believer
in the essential goodness and the ultimate perfectibility
of the human being. "Straight is the line of duty,
and curved the path of beauty" are words Fathy
would often mutter while drafting—words that he
came to understand well in the full course of his life
and work. In a 1961 paper, "Religion and the City
of the Future," he saw clearly the unity of matter
and spirit:
"As knowledge spreads among people, as the dogmatic
certainties of 19th-century materialism lose substance,
as matter itself grows more elusive under the physicist's
examination, so humanity comes to a new understanding
of the truths of religion. As education raises the general
level of knowledge, so this understanding will become
common property, and the illumination of the ancient
sages becomes part of everyone's consciousness. With
this knowledge, all natural phenomena and all works
of humankind will be seen as a unity, as part of the
holy totality of all things. Then the distinction between
the sacred building, the church or temple, and the secular
buildings of the city will cease to have any meaning.
The whole city will become the temple, designed and
built with the same reverence as the cathedrals of the
past."
In the spring following Fathy's death, with the help
of Brent Porter of the Pratt Institute, I organized
a memorial celebration at New York's Cathedral of St.
John the Divine. An overflowing crowd of people from
nearly every faith saw slides showing his built work,
heard a surah from the Qur'an recited, and listened
to numerous messages, including ones from architect
Charles Moore, consumer and health advocate Ralph Nader
and Britain's Prince Charles. Afterward, I took my leave
with reluctance, and walked out into a world in which
Fathy's memory would—and this was my personal
resolution—be a source not only of continued inspiration,
but of action.
Today there are two centers in France inspired by Fathy.
Both work with owner-builders in West Africa and the
Middle East: CRATerre (Centre de Recherche en Architectures
de Terre) of Grenoble and the Development Workshop of
Lauzerte have helped introduce the Nubian technique
of mud-brick dome and vault construction among villagers
in Mali, Niger and Iran. In Egypt, Fathy's ideas can
be found in the work of architects, planners and cultural
developers in numerous institutions. In the United States,
I have spent much of the past decade among architects,
architectural conservationists and soil engineers dedicated
to continuing his work in the desert climates of the
Americas. Since 1994, my resolution to carry on Fathy's
work has led me to form the Swan Group in the border
cities of Presidio, Texas and Ojinaga, Chihuahua. (See
page 46.)
As our global population continues to rise, the number
of people without dignified, healthy, safe housing has
soared far beyond what it was 30 years ago when Fathy
wrote Architecture for the Poor. Fathy's designs, ideas,
principles and character promise to grow only more relevant
with time.
Simone Swan is director of the Swan Group, based in
Presidio, Texas.
Ver Hassan Fathy VII
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